The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most powerful occupants of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands had to settle for peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney held substantial sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently called as the "true president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and claimed the dynamic was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably referring to him in public settings as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their relationship as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a contingent of neo-cons that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft approaching the government building.
Cheney said the assaults changed him, making him become determined on retribution. Along with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the waterboarding of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on misleading intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the proper decision to do then. I had faith then and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, as a baseline," he later wrote "clear negligence, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had written a document detailing circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (including "availability of essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when collective action prove impossible," particularly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on executing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been fired by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of diminishing America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a plot to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken behind attacking Iraq, frequently referencing information documents that were either weak or completely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the employment of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place procedures to apprehend the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Persona
Cheney reveled in nicknames assigned to him by critics such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his hole? It's a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in business but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his tenure at the firm increased from his $258,394 while defence secretary to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling more than $20m|twenty
